展覽頁面呈現形式
縱式
策展者
陳熙遠
展覽封面
5cbdf77ba236363728bb046830eece7a
展覽資料
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"高宗以後,皇帝遺詔的製作多由臣工摘拾諭令,回顧政績,以大行皇帝自述的口吻為其蓋棺定論。仁宗遺詔頒布後月餘,繼位的宣宗(旻寧1782-1850;道光,1821-1850)發現其父親遺詔中提及高宗降生避暑山莊之事,與官方記載有所出入。然而當時齎詔官早已馳奔各地發布詔書,故宣宗只能降旨「將原委明白宣示中外」,以為補救之道。軍機處立即作業,重新制定遺詔,將原詔中「況灤陽行宮為每歲臨幸之地,我皇考所降生,予復何憾?」一段,修訂為「我祖考神御在焉」(參考展件20,22)。本所庋藏的仁宗遺詔正是原先頒布天下的錯誤版本。", "thumbURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/muse/31/33/34/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=RHwNcPr-", "thumbMediumURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/muse/31/33/34/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=5MuZlYI6", "thumbBigURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/muse/31/33/34/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=-f183458", "mfid": "4b2b431f7d884cf684c042f15fa7c92b", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "中央研究院歷史語言研究所", "rightsLogo": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-04.png?itok=gq-PTcKL", "fileLicence": "創用CC 姓名標示-非商業性-相同方式分享", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "序--居九重闈布十行詔", "desc": "以皇帝之名頒發的命令,根據其對象與目的,既有不同的形制,各配以不同之璽印。即以清朝為例,皇帝的命令主要有制、誥、、詔等四種類型。「制書」是「宣示百官」的政令;「誥書」則用以封贈臣屬功名,意在「昭垂訓行」;「書」針對特定的官員下達訓示,以期「申明職守」;至於「詔書」,則是將攸關朝政與國事的重要舉措「布告天下」。舉凡登極、親政、大婚、加徽、尊諡與傳位等國朝大典要事,率皆需以詔書的形式,向天下臣民、中外藩屬布達無遺。<br><br>據官方史書所載,出身於基層的漢光武帝即位後關心民瘼,並厲行勤樸儉約之風,經常「以手跡賜方國者,皆一札十行,細書成文」(《後漢書》)。故事裡光武帝親筆對地方封建諸侯下達的命令,性質上似乎較近似上述四種類型中的書。不論如何,後代常以「十行」一詞來比喻詔書,宋代蘇軾的詩作裡即有「遙聞爭誦十行詔,無異親巡六尺輿 」的名句(《次韻張昌言喜雨》)。清代乾隆皇帝也頗愛以此典入詩,宣示其體恤民情而頒詔的用心,例如乾隆十五年當聞得河南獲嘉等縣秋穫歉收,他隨即雙管齊下:「亟頒十行詔,更一方吏」;一方面以恩詔豁免當地租欠,一方面又行書訓示執事官員。其他尚有「究不無勞民,寬賦頒十行」、「底藉十行詔,無時不體仁」、「宣沛十行詔,惟期蘇萬民」等詩句, 反覆重言,幾乎淪為陳腔。當然,官方文書的格式發展到後來越趨定制,因應內容多寡亦有不同的尺幅。上述典故裡的「十行」之數早已成為虛詞,而朝廷頒發的詔書也並非「細書成文」。至於大多數垂拱而治的皇帝,更極少學步漢光武帝事必躬親,遑論自行提筆詔告天下。<br><br><div><div><div><div><div><div><div><div>所謂「九重丹詔下塵埃」,詔書的目的既在布告天下,期許普天之下的藩屬臣民盡皆知曉皇帝的重要宣示,詔書無疑是皇帝各類命令裡最公開、也最為正式的一種。從在京城的宣詔到地方的接詔與布告,皆有配套的儀式與運作的程序。作為公開的政治宣示,詔書越是正式,其內容就越可能流於形式。清代歷朝頒布的詔書中, 為數不少是關於冊立皇后、加封皇太后徽號、或大行皇帝升祔太廟禮成,大抵皆有定制的格套可以依循,本無需勞煩皇帝本人費心斟酌。 &nbsp;&nbsp;<br><span><br>事實上,儘管詔書例以「皇帝詔曰」宣示中外,但具體的內容恐怕多出自臣工的擬筆。帝制中國在位最久的清聖祖康熙皇帝就曾表示,他仔細檢讀過前朝許多皇帝的遺詔,卻發現其內容與措辭「殊非帝王語氣」。推敲其間原因,一般皇帝多諱言生死,除非在生前預擬遺詔,否則值其大漸之際,恐怕已無心力回顧平生或交代後事。即若康熙皇帝本人最後臥病于暢春園時,實已氣若游絲,臨終前是否曾明白交代繼位人選,都還成為史家各執一詞的千古謎團。幸好他在康熙五十六年曾就遺詔一事,對親王大臣回顧其生平功業。因此當他賓天之後,正式頒布天下的遺詔,即以他當年發表的這番上諭為藍本,重新編排而成。<br><br></span>所有皇帝頒布的詔書中,最為天下所關注者,莫過於其受命繼位之初的登極詔,以及臨終之前授命傳位的遺詔。這兩份攸關天命授受的詔書,不僅涉及朝祚得以綿延的皇位繼承問題,更重要的是:前者揭開一朝的序幕,或是宣示永尊成憲以安撫天下,或是藉由丕布新恩期許臣民各矢忠誠;而後者往往總結一朝之功業,間或有未竟之圖,彷彿在天命交接前為自己的歷史定位作蓋棺之論。是以當清仁宗嘉慶皇帝突然於熱河行宮駕崩,隨行軍機大臣措手不及,祇得立即去函北京,要求內閣將過去所有歷朝的遺詔與登極恩詔總共八軸,盡快封送至熱河,以為研擬詔書之參考。可見這些軍機大臣準備模仿「帝王語氣」撰擬遺詔時,不僅需要參照大行皇帝在纘紹丕基之初所擘畫的鴻圖,更盡可能期與過去祖宗於天命授受之際的政治宣示遙相呼應。<br><br>中央研究院歷史語言研究所庋藏原儲於清宮內閣大庫的明清檔案,其中不乏以皇帝之名頒發的各類制詔誥,我們特藉文物陳列館一隅,即以「皇帝的第一道與最後一道命令」為題,回顧清代諸帝於登極之初與大漸之際所頒布的詔書,同時篩選各類相關文書, 以展示從宮中九重到天下六合之間,皇帝的詔書的製作過程與頒布機制,期以闡揭天命授受者為政慎始敬終之旨。<br></div></div><div><div><div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div><div><div><div></div></div></div></div></div>", "weight": 1 }, "theme-6pojwk8ziv": { "id": 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"清朝以皇帝之名頒布的命令,主要有制、詔、誥、敕等形式。其中詔書的目的是向天下臣民布告國政或是垂示彝憲。其書寫格式例以「奉天承運,皇帝詔曰」開端,用「布告中外/天下,咸使聞知」結尾。詔書多由內閣撰擬,再呈請皇帝欽定。舉凡即位、親政、賓天、加封徽號等事皆需昭告天下。清代定制的詔書是黃紙墨書、滿漢文合璧,並在文末日期與紙張接粘等處,鈐蓋「皇帝之寶」印,故又稱寶詔;同時交禮部照式刊刻,黃紙印刷,是為謄黃,以為頒\n\n<span>布天下之用。<br><br></span><span>在皇帝頒布天下的詔書中,最重要者莫過於即位之初的登極恩詔,以及賓天之際的大行遺詔。皇帝任內最初與最後的這兩份詔書,皆攸關皇位之繼承、天命之授受與國祚之綿延,朝廷即透過這兩道詔書,明白宣示皇權的轉移與政統的賡續:舊主雖已賓天,新君但將承命,是以帝制的運作如常,而國祚的延綿無虞。崇德八年(1643)八月,清世祖(福臨,1638-1661;順治,1643-1661)於盛京即位之初,即以滿文詔書昭告遐邇。迨清軍入關,在其揮軍南征的檄文中,更嚴辭指控南明政權並未奉得明思宗(朱由檢,1611-1644;崇禎,1628-1644<span>)遺詔,實非承天應命之正統。換言之,既無遺詔,朝隨君亡,天命當由終得天下者承統繼祧。<br><br></span></span><span>不論是皇帝的第一道或最後一道命令,頒布天下時,已在皇權轉移既成定局之後。前者藉由施恩赦罪,展布政治新象;後者則回顧歷年功過,謀求青史定案。若兩相對比,清代歷朝的登極恩詔內容大多因循制式,承命的新君鮮有別出心裁之語;至於大行遺詔則頗有出入,甚至具體而微地反映出清代皇權與國家機器之間關係的翻轉:後者在早期原為前者所控,到了後半葉卻逐漸反客為主,對皇權的施展頗多鉗制。清初諸帝或親自酌定詔稿,或於生前預擬藍本:如世祖以罪己之姿痛自列舉弊政,以期懲前毖後;聖祖(玄燁,1654-1722;康熙,1662-1722)著眼於自我歷史定位,其詔文儼然是一篇自傳式的墓誌銘;世宗(胤禛,1678-1735;雍正,1723- 1735)則關注過去章程的審酌與未來政治的布局。高宗(弘曆,1711-1799;乾隆,1736-1795)禪位於仁宗(顒琰,1760-1820;嘉慶,1796-1820),所欽定的傳位詔既總結一朝政績,復宣示皇權繼承,內容格式實有如「乾隆朝」之遺詔。嘉慶之後,皇帝的遺詔則多於死後由臣工摭拾過去上諭拼湊而成,或概括地總結其在位期間的國情與政績,已然不見皇帝個人掌控歷史解釋權的任何企圖。在逐漸常規化的製作過程中,皇帝個人的色彩完全褪蝕在格式套語之中。相較於清初諸帝在制度上屢有酌定、更張,積累而成祖宗家法,中葉之後皇帝則多受錮於上述「祖宗家法」的枷鎖,難得伸展。在國家典制層建累構、越演越繁的同時,皇帝個人的威權卻在敷衍格套中愈形支絀。<span> &nbsp;</span></span>", "weight": 2 }, "basic-au8ts2zkop": { "id": "basic-au8ts2zkop", "type": "basic", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "119a98e4b5eb6213911970f8ff4baefa", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/w1024/muse/31/31/36/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=8hpBEAfj", "level": "primary", "title": "滿文本世祖章皇帝即位大赦詔書", "desc": "本件滿文詔書係黃紙墨刻本,是清入關前所頒布。世祖六歲時於盛京大政殿(篤恭殿)即位,當時由和碩睿親王多爾袞(1612-1650)等率內外諸王、貝勒等文武羣臣行三跪九叩頭禮,禮畢,頒發此大赦詔書,以明年為順治元年。詔書中表示:新君尚值幼冲之年,尚賴諸王公大臣共襄治理,並以八月十四日諸旗立誓效忠之日為限,在此之前所犯之一切死罪盡行赦免。", "thumbURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/muse/31/31/36/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=C11L_EE5", 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"title": "吏部咨文", "desc": "仁宗遺詔頒布後月餘,內閣於九月初六日繕呈遺詔副本以備皇帝隨時展覽之用,宣宗閱後發現遺詔中提及高宗降生避暑山莊之事,似有蹊蹺,於是親自檢閱乾隆朝實錄,確定其祖是在「康熙辛卯八月十三日子時,誕降於雍和宮邸」。於是將當初負責執筆草擬遺詔的軍機大臣托津(1755-1835)、戴均元(1746-1840)、盧蔭溥(1760-1839)和文孚(?-1841)等四人交部嚴加議處。\n俄儸斯文館專司繙譯俄儸斯文字,康熙四十七年(1708)設立,咸豐十一年(1861)歸併英、法、美三學。本件為吏部將欽奉上諭轉行俄儸斯文館的咨文。", "thumbURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/square_thumbnail_100/muse/31/33/35/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=IRf7M0n4", "thumbMediumURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/thumbnail_medium/muse/31/33/35/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=0RFra1EP", "thumbBigURI": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/muse_styles/thumbnail_big/muse/31/33/35/ascdc_muse.jpg?itok=z2-yZud7", "mfid": "ecf486737208c0106704fecfa96f4fa7", "fileCreator": "", "rights": "中央研究院歷史語言研究所", "rightsLogo": "http://ihp.openmuseum.tw/files/muse_ihp/styles/square_thumbnail_100/public/default_rights/memder_non-03.png?itok=h0rkcAOw", "fileLicence": "創用CC 姓名標示-非商業性-相同方式分享", "fileOversize": false }, "title": "吏部咨文", "desc": 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"fileOversize": false }, "title": "二、從中央到地方與藩邦:詔書的頒布與傳播", "desc": "詔書既奉皇帝之名擬定,先是在北京中央舉行隆重的頒布儀式,隨即透過各種管道昭告天下。除了正本鈐有皇帝寶印的寶詔之外,禮部同時製作若干複本,此即所謂的「謄黃詔書」,並委派數位齎詔官攜帶一份正本詔書以及若干複本謄黃,前往指定地點宣讀,隨後再將詔書齎回中央。康熙四十二年(1703)議准, 因應路程遠近,明定各齎詔官分赴各地頒詔時應當恪遵的往返時限。乾隆十七年(1752),朝廷更進一步對分赴各省頒詔的齎詔官、所攜帶謄黃數目與負責分頒之處詳加規定。此後相關規定又屢有增損變異,直到道光十五年(1835)對頒詔制度進行重要的改革, 廢除了委派齎詔官親赴各地頒詔的作法,從此直接透過驛站將詔書轉發各地。\n\n值得注意的是,隨著地方的發展,中央在詔書的頒發上,亦有相應的調整。例如臺灣總兵官原本僅能接到皇帝詔書的謄黃複本,逮至光緒十三年(1887)臺灣正式建省之後,朝廷開始加頒正本的寶詔,臺灣地位越形重要,由此亦可窺見一二。\n\n<span>地方在接奉詔書之後,除了將詔書頒到日期以題本報部察覈, 如有需要也會再行製作詔書複本轉發轄下各地。詔書頒布的對象不僅是中土臣民,更包括外邦藩屬。乾隆五十五年(1790)適值高宗八旬大壽,特諭除朝鮮、蒙古之外,安南、琉球、暹羅等三國也一體頒發恩詔。在一般情形下,朝廷派遣正副使赴朝鮮頒詔, 外藩蒙古諸部由理藩院委官齎詔前往。至於其餘諸國,則交由該國使臣自行齎回,或委由鄰近各國的地方督撫轉發:兩廣總督負責暹羅,廣西巡撫負責安南,雲貴總督負責緬甸,閩浙總督則負責琉球。透過上下遠近層層傳導,務使皇帝的詔令「布告天下/\n中外,咸使聞知」。</span>", "weight": 24 }, "basic-dogy2vwfpl": { "id": "basic-dogy2vwfpl", "type": "basic", "sortable": true, "primaryObj": { "oid": "83f6ff88349ebade20547842e5668ebd", "fileType": "image", "fileURI": 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來源
檳榔幼苗
陳熙遠